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Black female candidates historically have had to rely on small-dollar donations as their White male counterparts tap long-standing networks of support, researchers say. But a review of early political giving shows that Alsobrooks’s candidacy has energized Black power brokers, policy wonks and Democratic super givers — many of whom have no direct stake in Maryland politics.
It’s what Alsobrooks represents — a potential third in U.S. history and first in Maryland history — that appeals to those outside the state and region, far-flung donors said in interviews. About 1 in 6 who have supported her bid to succeed retiring Sen. Ben Cardin (D) live outside the region.
“The data are clear: It is harder for a woman to get elected when we are more than 50 percent of the population. Women of color are having a harder time,” said Jennifer DiBrienza, 52, a California Bay-area resident who contributed $3,300 to Alsobrooks’s campaign after getting an email from the Electing Women Alliance, a national network of local giving groups that supports female candidates.
“We know that it’s not equal and it takes active work to make it all equal,” DiBrienza continued. “There are going to be some people who say, ‘Enough with race and gender,’ but I think they’re in denial of our reality.”
On Tuesday, Alsobrooks traveled to Martha’s Vineyard in Massachusetts for a fundraiser where money and thought leaders will gather to help her strategize and support her campaign. One of her opponents in the primary, Montgomery County Council member Will Jawando, also held a fundraiser in Martha’s Vineyard this week.
Both face a formidable challenge in Rep. David Trone, the multimillionaire owner of Total Wine & More who lent himself $10 million early in the primary race. July filings show Alsobrooks raised more than $1.7 million after announcing her candidacy in May. Jawando, who has sought to present himself as the progressive choice in the race, brought in about $519,000.
“Early money is like yeast. It makes the dough rise,” said Kira Sanbonmatsu, a political science professor at Rutgers University and senior scholar at the Center for American Women and Politics at the Eagleton Institute of Politics.
Black female candidates historically have less access to moneyed circles and often represent areas that command fewer resources, making it necessary for them to raise money themselves, especially in the primary, Sanbonmatsu said, noting that the national political action committee Emily’s List — which endorsed Alsobrooks — commits early in a contest to give promising candidates momentum.
Ben Ray, senior director of campaign communications for Emily’s List (an acronym for “Early Money Is Like Yeast”) noted that the organization got its start when a group of Democratic women banded together to ensure that Barbara A. Mikulski had the financial wherewithal for her 1986 Senate race. Mikulski went to become Maryland’s longest-tenured U.S. senator.
“This is an open Senate seat in a fairly Democratic state, and that means this primary may be our shot to get a woman elected for some time, so we’ve got an enormous amount of value in that,” he said of Alsobrooks’s candidacy.
He added: “There are millions of American women, Black women that deserve to see themselves in the legislative body that makes laws that apply to them.”
However, Black female candidates across party lines typically don’t receive the same fundraising support compared with White women and White men. For example, 12 Black women who ran for U.S. Senate in the 2020 election cycle raised nearly $2.7 million in the first three quarters of that year, according to data from the Center for Responsive Politics. In that time frame, 47 White female candidates for U.S. Senate raised a combined $403 million, center data shows, while 125 White male candidates brought in more than $737 million.
A former prosecutor who in 2018 became the first woman elected to lead Maryland’s second-most-populous county, Alsobrooks swept into a second term last November on a promise of securing long-sought development. Upon her election, she also pledged to depoliticize education and focus attention on bolstering mental health services.
As the leader of one of the nation’s wealthiest Black enclaves, she has a donor list that reflects a level of affluence. Alsobrooks has garnered financial support from noteworthy people such as Alonzo Fulgham, who was the first chief operating officer of the U.S. Agency for International Development; Cora Masters Barry, chief executive of D.C.’s Recreation Wish List Committee and widow of former mayor Marion Barry; and Washington Commanders President Jason Wright.
She has picked up the phone herself to make calls to supporters, including Erik Moses, who was at his Phoenix home one weekend when his friend of 30 years told him she was going to launch a Senate campaign.
“I said, ‘We’re just going to skip over governor, hunh?’” recalled Moses, 52.
By the time the call was over, Moses had committed to being on a fundraising committee for people affiliated with Duke University, where Moses attended law school and Alsobrooks received her undergraduate degree.
“She can run for dogcatcher and I’ll be supportive,” he said. “She was serious but she’s humble. She doesn’t take for granted that because we’re friends, I’ll give. She knows you still have to ask.”
After a personal call, former Baltimore mayor Kurt Schmoke (D) gave the maximum contribution of $3,300 for her primary race. He said he has followed Alsobrooks’s career as she’s risen through the ranks and admired how she handled issues such as domestic violence as a county prosecutor.
He said he knows that in addition to finances, she has to work on her “ground game” to garner more name recognition ahead of the primary, even though she has endorsements from big names such Rep. Kweisi Mfume (D) and Rep. Steny H. Hoyer (D).
“I always tell people that 24 hours is a lifetime in politics. Things change real fast,” he said. “Don’t assume a situation that presents itself in August 2023 is going to be the same in May 2024. In state and local races, I found that organization and hustle can often beat money in primaries.”
Tremaine Wright, a friend and sorority sister of Alsobrooks’s from her time at Duke, isn’t taking any chances. Before heading to Martha’s Vineyard, Wright said in an interview that she was familiar with the challenges women, and especially Black women, face in galvanizing political support.
Wright, a former member of the New York State Assembly and current chairwoman of the New York State Cannabis Control Board, contributed $1,000 to Alsobrooks.
“I am prepared to help Angela raise the money necessary,” she said.
The outcome of the race will have repercussions beyond Maryland, said Raleigh resident Brian Beverly, 55, a lawyer who grew up in the Lusby area of Calvert County.
The registered independent said he supports Alsobrooks because of the history nipping at her heels but also because she seems to be the most qualified candidate in the race.
A recent NPR segment on a book about the many millionaires in Congress also gave him a push to contribute $500 to Alsobrooks’s campaign, on the idea that perhaps there should be one fewer millionaire in Congress.
“I would hope that right-thinking voters see that she brings more to the table,” he said. “I hope folks would recognize that the ability to bankroll your campaign shouldn’t translate to a win.”
Erin Cox contributed to this report.
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